In this week’s readings, what I found
to be most interesting was the contradiction in politics of compassion and care.
What Ticktin means is that compassion and caring has been used to justify
residency permits of asylum for immigrants in France, for example, on the basis
of illness, violence or sexual orientation. She discusses this in detail
regarding the work of nurses who decide who is sick enough to be recommended for
papers, and how they use their individual estimates of compassion to pick those
they deem deserving enough. Ticktin also discusses victims of violence against
women, and how over time, they have started to be seen as morally legitimate
bodies which need to be protected. However, both of these groups are under the
current system granted papers as exceptions to very rigid laws and rules of
immigration. Cases that are very unusual and moving are therefore more likely
to be granted papers than others.
At the same time that this is
happening, the French state has very strict rules and regulations regarding who
is allowed papers. This system creates state violence against women, where
immigrant women may not be able to leave or divorce their abusers for fear of
being deported. The term ‘double violence’ has been used for women who are experiencing
violence in relationships, but are also victimized by the state because their
options are so limited. Like Ticktin states: “Yet while they condemn this
double violence, the state and its conservative apparatus rally around a regime
of care and protection, and its central subject; the morally legitimate
suffering body, this time, in the guise of a victim of sexual violence.” (Ticktin,
2011; 132).
While I agree with Ticktin that
this contradiction is very real, I think that this phenomenon is not
necessarily limited to just immigrant women. For example, Western cultural
norms, such as privacy of the home, foster conditions that hide violence
against women and can in a way victimize them. They are therefore also facing
this double violence. However, larger societal forces rarely get recognized in
discourse around violence against women. The immigrant question may therefore
be an example of this, but it hardly stands in sharp contrast to narratives of violence
against women in general.
Also, at the end of the chapter on
violence against women, Ticktin shows a photo of books that are about violence
against women in Muslim countries and says that they are being Othered. This is
entirely possible, but there are many books today written about violence
against women in general. Did she look for books on this topic other than the
ones right in front of her? I think the forces that Ticktin discusses are at
play in immigration and violence against women, but they may not be as specific
to that context as she alludes to in her book.
Are these politics of compassion and care part of US
immigration laws?
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