In her book, Fictions
of Feminist Ethnography, Kamala Visweswaran poses important questions about
what constitutes knowledge, inquiry, “data,” and “truth” in ethnographic
studies. In particular, I was intrigued by her analysis of lies, secrets, and
silences as strategies of resistance; following that analysis, she asks how
ethnographers can write someone’s
silences without inscribing them into a subjectivity which they have refused.
Because I study domestic violence, and hope to do interview and ethnography
work with women victims of domestic violence, this question of silence is a
powerful one. On the one hand, feminist interventions into domestic violence
have been about silence, about
disrupting the cultural silence surrounding violence against women,
politicizing forced silences. On the other hand, when we as feminist
researchers ask our interviewees to narrate their experiences of domestic
violence, we also usher them into a ready-made feminist subject position,
something Visweswaran also cautions us against. Victims become subjects of
feminist research, symbols of the recalcitrance of patriarchal control and
violence. There are some dangerous assumptions underpinning these modes of investigation:
that speaking (confessing?) is always a move toward healing or liberation; that
Western feminist discourse is the correct destination
for women victims of violence.
Visweswaran’s
analysis of silence as resistance is instructive for imagining the multiple
roles that silence can plan in subjects’ narratives, in a feminist
ethnographer’s analytical toolkit, and in politics. For example, Visweswaran
forces us to question the equation of agency with speaking, demonstrating how a
subject’s refusal of research participation can be read as a refusal to be made into the subject of a
particular type of story. This line of analysis leads me to question how I can
read and write silences in victims’ narratives. Of course, silence can be
oppressive; it can signal a lack of safety or space to be heard. On the other
hand, as Visweswaran emphasizes, silence can signal an active refusal to engage
in an institutionalized “empowerment” or “survivor” discourse. The question
remains, then, how to identify what specific silences mean, in both feminist
discourse and in victims’ stories. Moreover, how can we theorize silences
without evacuating them of their resistance strategies, without erasing their
desire to not be placed at all? Perhaps
Visweswaran’s use of “betrayal” in her discussion of deconstructionist
ethnography is useful for answering these questions. She argues that an
ethnography premised on “betrayal” does not seek simply to identify the power relations that infuse our epistemologies, but to
actually subvert those power
relations in the way we tell our stories (p. 77). The difficult work here,
then, may be to use feminist ethnography to reveal the multiple roles that
silences play, refusing to arrive at a single answer for silence, refusing to
create silence’s “take-away” point.
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