Tuesday, January 28, 2014

Michael De Anda Muñiz Visweswaran

            The two aspects of Visweswaran’s book that I relate to most are her discussions of “betrayal” and the role of identity in ethnography. I appreciated both of the chapters devoted to these issues, because I am constantly reflecting on issues of power when conducting my own work. My identity as a 4.5-generation Chicano will no doubt result in various issues of identity when working with Latinas. In what ways is power unequally slanted towards me due to gender differences? How do I address this? Also, how do I deal with issues of perceived difference and commonality, both on my part and those I work with, when the feel may or may not be mutual?
            Visweswaran illustrates the various ways that betrayal may occur during the research process. Visweswaran learned that her interlocutors had kept secrets from her about their pasts, but she also confronted her interlocutors with knowledge she had learned about them from other sources. In both cases there were acts of betrayal. To do good work, means to respect individuals’ humanity and right of consent. We are often trained to find the “truth” by any means up to the point that IRB would have a problem. Betrayal is not seen as a legitimate harm by the IRB. So, we often may end up using our power in ways that harm those we are working with. Perhaps we should consider omissions and contradictions as aspects of truth rather than obstacles to it. The fact that Uma and Janaki were not forthright about their marriages says something possibly more important, truer than “the truth”.
I appreciate Visweswaran’s call to claim silence as a tool of feminist ethnography. She notes how refusals to speak are acts of resistance and agency. She continues, “If we do not know how to ‘hear’ silence, we cannot apprehend what is being spoken, how speech is framed” (51). Of course, researchers hold a great amount of power when we attempt to interpret silence. My various identities, especially those privileged ones, must be checked in order to not reinforce structures of oppression. If my interlocutor chooses silence, then perhaps it would be better to work towards understanding the silence itself without attempting to sneak my way past to what it is possibly “hiding”. To do the latter would to exercise my power as a man and academic, which would maintain and re-create systems of oppression.

The chapter, “Identifying Ethnography,” discusses how her identity as a second-generation Indian-American affects her understanding of the world and the ways others understand her. Second-generation Indian-Americans must confront questions of citizenship, Americanness, cultural belonging, and race often on their own, because the first generation does not equip them with tools to deal with these issues. I can relate to what she is describing when I reflect on my own personal journey. Growing up as a 4.5 generation Chicano in a middle-class, predominantly white neighborhood, the hyphen has different meaning to me. The hyphen in Mexican-American represented the tension between how others, white and Latino, saw me and the way I felt and wished for them to see me. Like Visweswaran explains, my parents, due to their class positioning, failed to prepare me to deal with questions of belonging. Despite the troubles this caused me growing up, I think it prepared me well to be a reflexive researcher, because I am always aware of how I perceive myself and others and how they may perceive me based on my identities. Just as Visweswaran claims that hyphenated identities create various dilemmas while doing research, I, too, feel that issues of accountability, responsibility, and power are constantly a part of my research experiences. She says, “those of us engaged in identifying ethnography may be moved by different sets of questions concerning power, domination, and representation; how we may ourselves be positioned (and not always by choice) in opposition to dominant discourse and structures of power” (140).

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