Visweswaran grapples with the epistemelogical problems of a
discipline founded in the study of the Other. She suggests, among
other things, two epistemelogical shifts related to the positionality
of the researcher and her subject. In “hyphenated ethnography,”
the researcher makes use of her hybrid positionality, or hyphenated
identity, to study a culture that she is neither entirely a part of,
but which constitutes an aspect of her hybridity. Visweswaran also
suggests a shift away from fieldwork, in favor of “homework.”
One way of decolonizing anthropology is by focusing on demographics
instead of geographies, and exploring the meaning of “home”.
In my current research on Grindr, I find myself neither at home, nor
away from home. As Visweswaran discusses, studying “home” often
means exploring the difficulty of defining that term and the
impossibility of “being home.” The online space of the app I
study, and the space of the interviews I conduct, is comfortable in
many ways. Yet I often find myself questioning what affinity I have
with my subjects and whether I “belong” in that space at all. Not
because of it's geography, but because of it's demography. Of
course, belonging and home rarely have an easy relationship. One
does not necessarily imply the other.
What, then, is my positionality in relation to my subjects when
studying gay men's sexual culture? Am I traveling to “the field”
or am I doing “homework”? Am I a hyphenated researcher, studying
a place and a culture that is not quite my own, but not quite
foreign? There is a familiar moment when I turn to face a man in a
gay bar who has just made a suggestive pass at me. Knowing that I
have been misrecognized, I prolong that misrecognition by hesitating
before responding, when inevitably my voice will betray my femaleness
and I will become, in a second act of misrecognition, undesirable.
Yet it is this field of my misrecognition that I find myself
studying. Grindr is a virtual gay cruising space. There is a
continuum of sexual and non-sexual interactions and intentions, but
it is widely known to be a “hook-up app,” and as such, is a
sexualized space. It is also a highly gendered space, so much so
that it goes unmarked. Profiles can include race/ethnicity, height,
weight, and relationship status, but not gender. There is literally
no place for gender, unless you include it in the small text box that
many people don't read. My profile includes the disclaimer that I am
a “queer masculine woman,” an identity that I am more at home in
than most others, but which fails to capture my positionality when
considered relationally and in the context of the space I study.
The disclaimer was an addition made after discovering how tedious
keeping up with messages can be, and wanting to filter out those guys
who wouldn't continue a conversation beyond the disclosure of my
gender. This itself was a lesson in the routines and social
practices of Grindr users. Profile construction and message
management are essential for tailoring the app to a user's goals.
Visweswaran warns against a generalized notion of hybridity that
ignores power relations and the relative ability to “choose”
certain identities. My generalized hybridity would be that I am a
gay-woman. But in my “field”, my gender is more salient than my
sexuality. Only if I were a man would my sexuality matter. On
Grindr, desire is first and foremost gendered, and the affective
space of the app centers around desire. Does my hybridity, then,
even matter? Undesirable because of my gender, am I an insider in
this space in anyway?
However, close reading of other users' profiles isn't a universal
practice, and I still have conversations that begin and end with
misrecognition. In fact, I am unintelligible to many people I encounter on Grindr. Misrecognition is inevitable in many cases. But does home imply recognition? Can some place be
home if we are constantly misrecognized? Visweswaran's accounts of
her own work reflect the impossibilities of feeling at home while
doing hyphenated ethnography. Misrecognition occurs often, by
strangers as well as relatives. In reflecting on my own motives for
my research, my “more than accidental academic trajector[y]”
(127), I've come to wonder if there is sometimes pleasure in
misrecognition. There is also alienation, disappointment, even
anger, but I think part of any “homework”, or of any hyphenated
ethnography, is a pleasure in certain misrecognitions that actually
legitimize the fractures and ambiguities of our identities.
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